The real man behind the reset?
The man who mentored Klaus Schwab, Pope Francis and others
The roots of the World Economic Forum’s “Great Reset” go deep. We consider what may be the tap root, or at least a few of the major influences, that have fed the WEF’s obsession with social/cultural revolution led by a self-elected few who understand the true nature of “the fourth industrial revolution”. This is repackaged Marxism, a liberation theology that ultimately excludes God and replaces Him with the communist idea of utopia. There’s a reason why WEF’s proclamation, “You will own nothing and be happy,” sounds starkly Marxian…
For those interested in Marxism, the name Paulo Freiremay ring a bell. Born in Brazil in 1921, Freire became interested in various offshoots of Marxism, with a particular focus on theory applied to education. With various writings touching primarily on language and oppression, Freire carved a name for himself amongst likeminded socialist intellectuals. Despite his rather niche writings, Freire would eventually reach new levels of fame in the 1980s with a spike in popularity regarding his 1968 book ‘Pedagogy of the Oppressed’, which fleshed out the idea of ‘critical pedagogy’ and its relation to such topics as adult education. This was in no small part thanks to Henry Giroux - an influential American thinker who attempted (rather successfully) to inject a modernised form of critical pedagogy into the structure of western education - but was primarily a result of his 1985 work ‘Politics of Education’, which laid the groundwork for the application of his previous ideas into educational systems.
Since his surge in popularity during the mid 1980s, Freire’s work has become so widespread that it is impossible to calculate the enormous effects of his ideas. Pedagogy of the Oppressed has become the third most cited book in the social sciences, and underpins the majority of modern ‘Identity Marxism’. As James Lindsay has said (see footnotes), Freire is a prophet of Marxian religion for the public education system - a system he knew, once indoctrinated, would naturally lead to revolution.
Freire was heavily influenced by Italian socialist Antonio Gramsci, but the remainder of his ideological inspiration comes from such familiar names as Jean-Paul Satre, Eric Fromme and Herbert Marcuse. Amongst the many thinkers who had an influence on his work, one of Freire’s influences was a name unknown to most; Hélder Câmara. To understand who and why Câmara is important, we must go back to 1960s Latin America.
In the 1960s, a new take on Marxism began to emerge. This would be known as Liberation Theology, and its impact was widespread. The term ‘liberation theology’ - as the name suggests - is an attempt at reinterpreting theology to amplify a focus on socioeconomic issues within a society, and the necessity to ‘liberate’ those deemed oppressed. This idea would naturally draw on Marxist theory, with a particular focus on class differences, however the inciting elements can be changed to accommodate race, ethnicity, gender, etc.
While the idea of Liberation Theology was applicable to the general Christian world, it was met with open arms by the Catholic Church in South America. This was achieved in two parts; firstly, the idea was presented in the Catholic church by Pedro Arrupe in 1968, and was soon after popularised by Gustavo Gutiérrez with the publishing of ‘A Theology of Liberation’ in 1971.
The liberation theology movement (or idea) would spread across South America throughout the 1970s, and soon after the effects would be felt in Europe and America, as the ‘theologised’ interpretation of Marxism pierced into other sects of Christianity - the results of which we are seeing today.
Before its surge in popularity, liberation theology was almost entirely constrained to various Marxist groups. Initially dedicated to the Christian side of socialism, Freire soon became connected with many such groups and individuals dedicated to the idea. This was an important time which would ultimately inspire Freire’s critical pedagogy.
Among the many people Freire came in contact with, it would be Hélder Câmara - a catholic priest and later archbishop - who would have perhaps the biggest impact. While the specifics around their relationship is unclear, it is believed that Câmara acted as a ‘guide’ to Freire. If Freire was the prophet, Câmara was the evangelist.
WHO WAS HELDER CAMARA
With these things in mind, we should now turn our attention to Hélder Câmara. A self identified socialist, Câmara became an influential figure both in the Catholic Church and the political sphere. On the surface his ideas appeared sound, and in many cases fell in line with the broader teachings of Christianity; he taught that the disfavoured in society are to be a point of focus for the church, and attempted to fight poverty which was all too common in South America at the time. He summed this up; “When I give food to the poor they call me a saint. When I ask why they are poor they call me a communist.”
Despite this uncontroversial take on Christianity, Câmara’s public image was likely not a reflection of his true social and political views. After openly declaring himself a socialist, Câmara fell under criticism - particularly in the West - for attempting to rectify the socialist worldview with the Christian faith. For those aware of the reality of socialism, it was obvious that the ideas Câmara proposed were inherently contradictory. In response, Câmara would attempt to clarify that his take on socialism stood independently from Marxism, and was instead a socialism which ‘respects the human person; His socialism - as he claimed - ‘was justice’. Despite these claims, he would later admit that he agreed with Marx’s critique of Capitalism.
Câmara’s long and interesting history supposedly begins in 1936, where he joined the Ação Integralista Brasileria (AIB) . The AIB were a pro-Mussolini fascist group, complete with its own militant wing - the Greenshirts - who drew inspiration from the Italian Blackshirts. The AIB were involved in violent riots and street fights against communists, and would continue on until crackdowns forced them to reform in 1938.
His activity in the war is unknown, but in 1946 Câmara would appear again, this time as a progressive leftist in the Brazilian Catholic Action (an openly Marxist group). Within this was a youth wing; the JUC. In 1963, Câmara and several others formed a group within the JUC known as Ação Popular, which recognised “the crucial role of Marxism in revolutionary theory and praxis”, and praised both the Soviet Union and the ideas of centralisation.
While Câmara was active as a priest from 1931 onwards, it would not be until the 1960s that he would reach a position of influence. Appointed by the Pope, he became Archbishop of Olinda e Recife in 1964, and the following year would attend the Second Vatican Council. At the council, Câmara would help write the Gaudium et spes (Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern World), and later the Pact of the Catacombs. While the Constitution addressed the Church in relation to modernity, the Pact was a renunciation of wealth and privilege. Both documents have had long lasting effects, and are worth reading into.
The Pact of the Catacombs was primarily output from Câmara, and was written following the end of the council. Signed initially by 42 priests, the Pact would grow in influence, even being quoted by Pope Francis in 2017. The Pact reads as if written by a revolutionary. Of particular interest is the quote below (emphasis added):
“We shall do everything possible to ensure that the leaders of our governments and public services adopt and put into practice the laws, structures and social institutions that are necessary for justice, equality and the harmonious and complete development of the whole human being and of all human beings and thereby for the coming of a new social order worthy of human children and children of God.”
This would mark the beginning of Câmara’s political activism, and his career of formulating and popularising new ideas in the church. While his involvement in the formulation of liberation theology is unknown, it is well documented that Câmara was a vocal critic of the American-backed Brazilian coup which overthrew president João Goulart, and would last from 1964 to 1985. This complex situation - now described as the creation of an American dictatorship - was in fact an extreme response to pro-communist movements emerging throughout South America, which were having fatal consequences themselves. Spurred on by figures such as Fidel Castro and Che Guevara, president Goulart became a defiant leader against the west, attempting massive land reforms and increased taxes on foreign business, leading to economic problems. Goulart soon caught the attention of Khrushchev and Mao Tse-Tung, both of whom approved of his governing approach. For Câmara, the fall of Goularts administration was a catastrophe, and while the ensuing government would become a destructive force, it is possible that a socialist Brazil would have ended up on a similar path.
Liberation theology would begin to emerge thanks to Pedro Arrupe, however its exact origin isn’t clear. Upon further research, there is some scattered evidence online suggesting that Câmara advised Arrupe, leading to the possibility of liberation theology being an indirect formulation by Câmara.
From the late 1960s onwards, Câmara would become more vocal in his opinions on capitalism, modernity, class, and the West, primarily in response to this change in administration, earning him the nickname ‘The Red Bishop’. As communist movements increased in popularity amongst the Western youth, he would publish ‘Spiral of Violence’ in 1971, in which he addressed the younger generations of America, calling for a breaking away from Western authority in order to end such issues as the Vietnam War. Soon thereafter, Câmara praised Mao’s Cultural Revolution in China, which resulted in the deaths of millions. It was most likely this period of time that marked the beginning of his relationship with Paulo Freire during the liberation theology movement.
At this point - following the rise in popularity of liberation theology - the focus shifted back onto the political climate of South America. The Brazilian right wing government and any other anti-communist governing body was condemned by the Catholic Church as oppressors. Gustavo Gutiérrez said to “abolish the current unjust situation to build a new society”, while the Church refocused on the liberation of the third world by means of communist revolution.
This included calls for violence as justified, so long as it was against the ‘oppressors of the poor’ (such as the Nicaraguan government under Tachito Somoza), which subsequently led to many priests taking up arms in movements such as the FSLN. Leonardo Boff (a follower of Câmara) summarised the outlook as such; “what we propose is Marxism, historical materialism, in theology”. This is part of the reason why such events became so blatantly one sided in the history books, when in actuality both forces had equal levels of violence and corruption. This outlook could be blamed on the reorienting of morality by liberation theologians so that any opposition to Marxist movements is seen as ‘inhumane’.
It is at this point that I should highlight yet another important connection in Hélder Câmaras life; Jaime de Barros Câmara. Jaime was a priest in the Brazilian Catholic Church since the 1930s, and was directly appointed into positions by Pope Pius XI (who both condemned the Soviet Union, and the Italian closeness with the Nazis, before his death in 1939). He attended the first CELAM (an episcopal conference) in 1955, and served as its president until 1963, during which time progressivism was heavily promoted. Following this Jaime attended the Second Vatican Council. He attended both the 1958 and 1963 papal conclaves (the latter of which he was a cardinal elect) to decide the next pope, and consecrated Hélder in 1952. Of particular interest was the 1958 papal conclave, which became mired in controversy following the revelation that John XXIII had been elected Pope. The belief amongst some of the public was that the election had been rigged against Cardinal Siri - a staunch anti-communist - due to the assumption that Siri would shift attention to the crimes committed against Christians by the Soviet Union. Despite this, his ideological stance is uncertain, as Jaime would later condemn communism in a televised speech.
As time went on, both Freire and Câmara grew in popularity in the Latin American nations, but only Câmara would have a strong reach into Europe and North America. Using this reach, Câmara began inviting Freire to group meetings with various priests and bishops within the church. Details surrounding this is vague at best, however it is known that following these early meetings, Câmara then introduced Freire to many interesting and influential individuals, including Henry Giroux - the man who would later obsess over Freire’s work and popularise it in the west.
Freire would - in his 1985 book Politics of Education - directly reference Hélder by name, referring to him as not only as an influence but also an unjustly persecuted figure. While the details surrounding their relationship are scarce, there is no doubt that it was a crucial point in the forming of Freire’s ideas and the promotion of his writings.
THE POPE OF LIBERATION
While Freire’s relationship with Câmara is interesting let’s take a step back to see what other influential characters are in the picture. Among them is Pope Francis, whom has over the years shown admiration for Câmara as a helper of the poor and oppressed. However what is more interesting is that Hélier Câmara was not just an influence, but supposedly the mentor of Pope Francis during his early years.
In keeping with Câmaras ideas, Pope Francis publicly stated in 2020 that “Christianity has never recognised the right to private property as absolute or immovable”, and “the right to private property is always accompanied by the primary and prior principle of the subordination of all private property to the universal destination of the earths goods, and thus the right of all to their use”. This is a direct call for the abolition of private property and blatantly Marxist.
We can now turn our attention to Klaus Schwab, who stated that Câmara was his ‘spiritual father’, and described his first encounter with the priest in the early 1970s as a ‘crucial moment in his life’. Schwab had travelled to Brazil, and was introduced to whom he had been told was the ‘priest of the poor’. Câmara showed him the favelas and lower class areas of the region, which impacted Schwab greatly. Following this, Schwab was compelled to invite Câmara to speak at Davos in 1974 about the reality of poverty in third world nations (despite Câmara being frowned upon in Switzerland for his communist reputation).
The Davos speech from the priest included a critique of ‘waste society’ and the distribution of wealth, which Schwab said was well received by the audience. This event would compel Schwab to invite further Catholic priests to speak - many of whom happened to reiterate the same talking points as Câmara had in 1974 - and was likely a key factor in the friendship we now see between the Pope and Schwab. Câmara’s friendship and ‘spiritual guidance’ of Schwab would continue on, and Pope Francis would posthumously declare the priest a ‘Servant of God’ in 2015.
In terms of the WEF’s revolutionary intent, could Câmara’s personal input behind the scenes has led to the Klaus Schwab we see today? The stated motives of the WEF differ slightly from classical Marxism, but with Câmara’s beliefs in the mix, it all begins to make sense. Similar to the Pope’s call for the abolition of private property on religious and moral grounds, Schwab calls for the abolition of private property on the grounds of environmentalism, and more broadly as a way of achieving some sort of cosmic fairness for the disenfranchised. Again, this is presented in the same moralistic manner as Câmara and liberation theology.
THE WORLD STAGE AND COMMUNISM
As others who are aware of this strange connection have highlighted, these three key figures (Francis, Freire, Schwab) and their influence happen to coincide with three major areas which are crucial to control for communism to succeed; religion, education, economy. It seems that Pope Francis has politicised Catholicism back into the dark ages, while Freire’s work in oppression-based educational ideas have poisoned schools and universities across the Western world. Schwab’s approach to economics is a confusing mix of Marxist property centralisation and Fascist corporate control, but ultimately leads to the same end.
Câmara is the influence common to all of them. The Great Reset is the old Marxian revolution required to overthrow the current system to usher in a technocratically controlled, transhuman utopia. Man recreating himself as his own god, everyone equal, each master of his own destiny without oppression.
But hey! Maybe this time we will get it to work…
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For a compelling analysis of Paulo Freire by James Lindsay - https://newdiscourses.com/tag/nd-podcast/
And there will be more coming in this series.
Bergoglio's statement about private property was not only "blatantly marxist," it was profoundly at odds with the Catholic faith, the Church of 2,000 years, theology, doctrine, and common sense. His sophistry would be hilarious if it weren't so spellbinding for so many people.
"Man recreating himself as his own god, everyone equal, each master of his own destiny without oppression."
But hey, let's remember: the REAL danger to "democracy" (their word for dominion/color revolution installed governments) -- and the REAL harbinger of violence and death -- is the mythical "far right," upon which we have projected fascism, and thereby associated the two in the popular mind.
Very good piece. Many thanks.
I always get the impression that these socialists “intellectuals” want all this equal poverty for everyone but themselves. Funny how that works.